How Cybersecurity Fears Affect Confidence in Voting Systems

American democracy runs on trust, and that trust is cracking.

Nearly half of Americans, both Democrats and Republicans, question whether elections are conducted fairly. Some voters accept election results only when their side wins. The problem isn’t just political polarization—it’s a creeping erosion of trust in the machinery of democracy itself.

Commentators blame ideological tribalism, misinformation campaigns and partisan echo chambers for this crisis of trust. But these explanations miss a critical piece of the puzzle: a growing unease with the digital infrastructure that now underpins nearly every aspect of how Americans vote.

The digital transformation of American elections has been swift and sweeping. Just two decades ago, most people voted using mechanical levers or punch cards. Today, over 95% of ballots are counted electronically. Digital systems have replaced poll books, taken over voter identity verification processes and are integrated into registration, counting, auditing and voting systems.

This technological leap has made voting more accessible and efficient, and sometimes more secure. But these new systems are also more complex. And that complexity plays into the hands of those looking to undermine democracy.

In recent years, authoritarian regimes have refined a chillingly effective strategy to chip away at Americans’ faith in democracy by relentlessly sowing doubt about the tools U.S. states use to conduct elections. It’s a sustained campaign to fracture civic faith and make Americans believe that democracy is rigged, especially when their side loses.

This is not cyberwar in the traditional sense. There’s no evidence that anyone has managed to break into voting machines and alter votes. But cyberattacks on election systems don’t need to succeed to have an effect. Even a single failed intrusion, magnified by sensational headlines and political echo chambers, is enough to shake public trust. By feeding into existing anxiety about the complexity and opacity of digital systems, adversaries create fertile ground for disinformation and conspiracy theories.

Testing cyber fears

To test this dynamic, we launched a study to uncover precisely how cyberattacks corroded trust in the vote during the 2024 U.S. presidential race. We surveyed more than 3,000 voters before and after election day, testing them using a series of fictional but highly realistic breaking news reports depicting cyberattacks against critical infrastructure. We randomly assigned participants to watch different types of news reports: some depicting cyberattacks on election systems, others on unrelated infrastructure such as the power grid, and a third, neutral control group.

The results, which are under peer review, were both striking and sobering. Mere exposure to reports of cyberattacks undermined trust in the electoral process—regardless of partisanship. Voters who supported the losing candidate experienced the greatest drop in trust, with two-thirds of Democratic voters showing heightened skepticism toward the election results.

But winners too showed diminished confidence. Even though most Republican voters, buoyed by their victory, accepted the overall security of the election, the majority of those who viewed news reports about cyberattacks remained suspicious.

The attacks didn’t even have to be related to the election. Even cyberattacks against critical infrastructure such as utilities had spillover effects. Voters seemed to extrapolate: “If the power grid can be hacked, why should I believe that voting machines are secure?”

Strikingly, voters who used digital machines to cast their ballots were the most rattled. For this group of people, belief in the accuracy of the vote count fell by nearly twice as much as that of voters who cast their ballots by mail and who didn’t use any technology. Their firsthand experience with the sorts of systems being portrayed as vulnerable personalized the threat.

It’s not hard to see why. When you’ve just used a touchscreen to vote, and then you see a news report about a digital system being breached, the leap in logic isn’t far.

Our data suggests that in a digital society, perceptions of trust—and distrust—are fluid, contagious and easily activated. The cyber domain isn’t just about networks and code. It’s also about emotions: fear, vulnerability and uncertainty.

Firewall of trust

Does this mean we should scrap electronic voting machines? Not necessarily.

Every election system, digital or analog, has flaws. And in many respects, today’s high-tech systems have solved the problems of the past with voter-verifiable paper ballots. Modern voting machines reduce human error, increase accessibility and speed up the vote count. No one misses the hanging chads of 2000.

But technology, no matter how advanced, cannot instill legitimacy on its own. It must be paired with something harder to code: public trust. In an environment where foreign adversaries amplify every flaw, cyberattacks can trigger spirals of suspicion. It is no longer enough for elections to be secure – voters must also perceive them to be secure.

That’s why public education surrounding elections is now as vital to election security as firewalls and encrypted networks. It’s vital that voters understand how elections are run, how they’re protected and how failures are caught and corrected. Election officials, civil society groups and researchers can teach how audits work, host open-source verification demonstrations and ensure that high-tech electoral processes are comprehensible to voters.

We believe this is an essential investment in democratic resilience. But it needs to be proactive, not reactive. By the time the doubt takes hold, it’s already too late.

Just as crucially, we are convinced that it’s time to rethink the very nature of cyber threats. People often imagine them in military terms. But that framework misses the true power of these threats. The danger of cyberattacks is not only that they can destroy infrastructure or steal classified secrets, but that they chip away at societal cohesion, sow anxiety and fray citizens’ confidence in democratic institutions. These attacks erode the very idea of truth itself by making people doubt that anything can be trusted.

If trust is the target, then we believe that elected officials should start to treat trust as a national asset: something to be built, renewed and defended. Because in the end, elections aren’t just about votes being counted—they’re about people believing that those votes count.

And in that belief lies the true firewall of democracy.

This essay was written with Ryan Shandler and Anthony J. DeMattee, and originally appeared in The Conversation.

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Senator Chides FBI for Weak Advice on Mobile Security

Agents with the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) briefed Capitol Hill staff recently on hardening the security of their mobile devices, after a contacts list stolen from the personal phone of the White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles was reportedly used to fuel a series of text messages and phone calls impersonating her to U.S. lawmakers. But in a letter this week to the FBI, one of the Senate’s most tech-savvy lawmakers says the feds aren’t doing enough to recommend more appropriate security protections that are already built into most consumer mobile devices.

A screenshot of the first page from Sen. Wyden’s letter to FBI Director Kash Patel.

On May 29, The Wall Street Journal reported that federal authorities were investigating a clandestine effort to impersonate Ms. Wiles via text messages and in phone calls that may have used AI to spoof her voice. According to The Journal, Wiles told associates her cellphone contacts were hacked, giving the impersonator access to the private phone numbers of some of the country’s most influential people.

The execution of this phishing and impersonation campaign — whatever its goals may have been — suggested the attackers were financially motivated, and not particularly sophisticated.

“It became clear to some of the lawmakers that the requests were suspicious when the impersonator began asking questions about Trump that Wiles should have known the answers to—and in one case, when the impersonator asked for a cash transfer, some of the people said,” the Journal wrote. “In many cases, the impersonator’s grammar was broken and the messages were more formal than the way Wiles typically communicates, people who have received the messages said. The calls and text messages also didn’t come from Wiles’s phone number.”

Sophisticated or not, the impersonation campaign was soon punctuated by the murder of Minnesota House of Representatives Speaker Emerita Melissa Hortman and her husband, and the shooting of Minnesota State Senator John Hoffman and his wife. So when FBI agents offered in mid-June to brief U.S. Senate staff on mobile threats, more than 140 staffers took them up on that invitation (a remarkably high number considering that no food was offered at the event).

But according to Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), the advice the FBI provided to Senate staffers was largely limited to remedial tips, such as not clicking on suspicious links or attachments, not using public wifi networks, turning off bluetooth, keeping phone software up to date, and rebooting regularly.

“This is insufficient to protect Senate employees and other high-value targets against foreign spies using advanced cyber tools,” Wyden wrote in a letter sent today to FBI Director Kash Patel. “Well-funded foreign intelligence agencies do not have to rely on phishing messages and malicious attachments to infect unsuspecting victims with spyware. Cyber mercenary companies sell their government customers advanced ‘zero-click’ capabilities to deliver spyware that do not require any action by the victim.”

Wyden stressed that to help counter sophisticated attacks, the FBI should be encouraging lawmakers and their staff to enable anti-spyware defenses that are built into Apple’s iOS and Google’s Android phone software.

These include Apple’s Lockdown Mode, which is designed for users who are worried they may be subject to targeted attacks. Lockdown Mode restricts non-essential iOS features to reduce the device’s overall attack surface. Google Android devices carry a similar feature called Advanced Protection Mode.

Wyden also urged the FBI to update its training to recommend a number of other steps that people can take to make their mobile devices less trackable, including the use of ad blockers to guard against malicious advertisements, disabling ad tracking IDs in mobile devices, and opting out of commercial data brokers (the suspect charged in the Minnesota shootings reportedly used multiple people-search services to find the home addresses of his targets).

The senator’s letter notes that while the FBI has recommended all of the above precautions in various advisories issued over the years, the advice the agency is giving now to the nation’s leaders needs to be more comprehensive, actionable and urgent.

“In spite of the seriousness of the threat, the FBI has yet to provide effective defensive guidance,” Wyden said.

Nicholas Weaver is a researcher with the International Computer Science Institute, a nonprofit in Berkeley, Calif. Weaver said Lockdown Mode or Advanced Protection will mitigate many vulnerabilities, and should be the default setting for all members of Congress and their staff.

“Lawmakers are at exceptional risk and need to be exceptionally protected,” Weaver said. “Their computers should be locked down and well administered, etc. And the same applies to staffers.”

Weaver noted that Apple’s Lockdown Mode has a track record of blocking zero-day attacks on iOS applications; in September 2023, Citizen Lab documented how Lockdown Mode foiled a zero-click flaw capable of installing spyware on iOS devices without any interaction from the victim.

Earlier this month, Citizen Lab researchers documented a zero-click attack used to infect the iOS devices of two journalists with Paragon’s Graphite spyware. The vulnerability could be exploited merely by sending the target a booby-trapped media file delivered via iMessage. Apple also recently updated its advisory for the zero-click flaw (CVE-2025-43200), noting that it was mitigated as of iOS 18.3.1, which was released in February 2025.

Apple has not commented on whether CVE-2025-43200 could be exploited on devices with Lockdown Mode turned on. But HelpNetSecurity observed that at the same time Apple addressed CVE-2025-43200 back in February, the company fixed another vulnerability flagged by Citizen Lab researcher Bill Marczak: CVE-2025-24200, which Apple said was used in an extremely sophisticated physical attack against specific targeted individuals that allowed attackers to disable USB Restricted Mode on a locked device.

In other words, the flaw could apparently be exploited only if the attacker had physical access to the targeted vulnerable device. And as the old infosec industry adage goes, if an adversary has physical access to your device, it’s most likely not your device anymore.

I can’t speak to Google’s Advanced Protection Mode personally, because I don’t use Google or Android devices. But I have had Apple’s Lockdown Mode enabled on all of my Apple devices since it was first made available in September 2022. I can only think of a single occasion when one of my apps failed to work properly with Lockdown Mode turned on, and in that case I was able to add a temporary exception for that app in Lockdown Mode’s settings.

My main gripe with Lockdown Mode was captured in a March 2025 column by TechCrunch’s Lorenzo Francheschi-Bicchierai, who wrote about its penchant for periodically sending mystifying notifications that someone has been blocked from contacting you, even though nothing then prevents you from contacting that person directly. This has happened to me at least twice, and in both cases the person in question was already an approved contact, and said they had not attempted to reach out.

Although it would be nice if Apple’s Lockdown Mode sent fewer, less alarming and more informative alerts, the occasional baffling warning message is hardly enough to make me turn it off.

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The Age of Integrity

We need to talk about data integrity.

Narrowly, the term refers to ensuring that data isn’t tampered with, either in transit or in storage. Manipulating account balances in bank databases, removing entries from criminal records, and murder by removing notations about allergies from medical records are all integrity attacks.

More broadly, integrity refers to ensuring that data is correct and accurate from the point it is collected, through all the ways it is used, modified, transformed, and eventually deleted. Integrity-related incidents include malicious actions, but also inadvertent mistakes.

We tend not to think of them this way, but we have many primitive integrity measures built into our computer systems. The reboot process, which returns a computer to a known good state, is an integrity measure. The undo button is another integrity measure. Any of our systems that detect hard drive errors, file corruption, or dropped internet packets are integrity measures.

Just as a website leaving personal data exposed even if no one accessed it counts as a privacy breach, a system that fails to guarantee the accuracy of its data counts as an integrity breach – even if no one deliberately manipulated that data.

Integrity has always been important, but as we start using massive amounts of data to both train and operate AI systems, data integrity will become more critical than ever.

Most of the attacks against AI systems are integrity attacks. Affixing small stickers on road signs to fool AI driving systems is an integrity violation. Prompt injection attacks are another integrity violation. In both cases, the AI model can’t distinguish between legitimate data and malicious input: visual in the first case, text instructions in the second. Even worse, the AI model can’t distinguish between legitimate data and malicious commands.

Any attacks that manipulate the training data, the model, the input, the output, or the feedback from the interaction back into the model is an integrity violation. If you’re building an AI system, integrity is your biggest security problem. And it’s one we’re going to need to think about, talk about, and figure out how to solve.

Web 3.0 – the distributed, decentralized, intelligent web of tomorrow – is all about data integrity. It’s not just AI. Verifiable, trustworthy, accurate data and computation are necessary parts of cloud computing, peer-to-peer social networking, and distributed data storage. Imagine a world of driverless cars, where the cars communicate with each other about their intentions and road conditions. That doesn’t work without integrity. And neither does a smart power grid, or reliable mesh networking. There are no trustworthy AI agents without integrity.

We’re going to have to solve a small language problem first, though. Confidentiality is to confidential, and availability is to available, as integrity is to what? The analogous word is “integrous,” but that’s such an obscure word that it’s not in the Merriam-Webster dictionary, even in its unabridged version. I propose that we re-popularize the word, starting here.

We need research into integrous system design.

We need research into a series of hard problems that encompass both data and computational integrity. How do we test and measure integrity? How do we build verifiable sensors with auditable system outputs? How to we build integrous data processing units? How do we recover from an integrity breach? These are just a few of the questions we will need to answer once we start poking around at integrity.

There are deep questions here, deep as the internet. Back in the 1960s, the internet was designed to answer a basic security question: Can we build an available network in a world of availability failures? More recently, we turned to the question of privacy: Can we build a confidential network in a world of confidentiality failures? I propose that the current version of this question needs to be this: Can we build an integrous network in a world of integrity failures? Like the two version of this question that came before: the answer isn’t obviously “yes,” but it’s not obviously “no,” either.

Let’s start thinking about integrous system design. And let’s start using the word in conversation. The more we use it, the less weird it will sound. And, who knows, maybe someday the American Dialect Society will choose it as the word of the year.

This essay was originally published in IEEE Security & Privacy.

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